Предмет: Английский язык, автор: nastsav777

We shall do it

К этому предложению нужно 4 вопроса
Общий ,разделительный
Специальный ,альтернативный
ХЕЛППППП ПЛИЗ

Ответы

Автор ответа: azumidellone229
1

общий: shall we do it?

специальный: what shall we do?

альтернативный: shall we do it or not?

разделительный: we shall do it, shan't we?


nastsav777: Спасибо !!! Мне 5 поставили
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Предмет: Английский язык, автор: victoriasamarsk
РЕБЯТ ПОМОГИТЕ ПОЖАЛУЙСТА! НУЖЕН ПЕРЕВОД ХОРОШИЙ!
ЭТО ОЧЕНЬ СРОЧНО!!
Taxmen on the take
A scandal at a tax agency may dwarf the one surrounding Petrobras
IN BRAZIL, where the state collects a hefty 36% of GDP in taxes and offers mediocre public services in return, tax-dodging is a national sport. The latest scam unearthed by police, treasury and finance-ministry sleuths sets a record. On March 26th they revealed that over the past ten years the government had been cheated of at least 5.7 billion reais ($1.8 billion) in back taxes and fines from firms, and perhaps as much as 19 billion reais. That would be enough to pay three-quarters of the bill for last year’s football World Cup. It is nearly twice the suspicious payments in a separate corruption scheme involving Petrobras, a state-controlled oil company.
Unlike the petrolão, the tax imbroglio does not implicate top politicians. It centres instead on the Administrative Council of Fiscal Resources (CARF), part of the finance ministry, which hears appeals by firms that feel wronged by the tax collectors. Some of its 216 councillors, who decide cases in teams of six, allegedly promised to slash companies’ bills for various taxes, including sales and industrial tax, or make them disappear altogether. In exchange they apparently received 1-10% of the value of the forgone revenue. The bribes were paid in the form of bogus consulting contracts with law firms. To deflect suspicion, the conspirators used firms that do not specialise in tax law.

The identity of the suspects remains secret for now. But leaks published in the press suggest that some of Brazil’s biggest firms, in industries ranging from banking to manufacturing, are involved. So, apparently, are a handful of multinationals. There is also much speculation that the dimensions of the scandal will grow: CARF has 105,000 cases pending, with a total value of 520 billion reais.
On March 31st the agency suspended all its judgments until further notice. Assuming the dodgy rulings are eventually reversed, however, revenues will get a welcome boost. That would be good news for the treasury: the finance minister, Joaquim Levy, is struggling to keep his promise to deliver a primary (ie, before interest payments) surplus of 66 billion reais this year and to maintain Brazil’s investment-grade credit rating. Things are not going well: in February the government actually posted a primary deficit, of 2 billion reais.
The case has stoked debate about the CARF. Unlike similar appellate bodies in other countries, not all its councillors are appointed by the government; half are nominated by industry confederations and are not paid for their work. This supposedly makes the system more democratic. Federico Paiva, the prosecutor in charge of the operation, called it a recipe for influence-peddling.
Reforming the body, which has operated in some form since 1924, would not be easy. The idea of handing more power to the federal revenue agency would appal Brazilian business, which must contend with one of the world’s most complicated tax codes. A typical midsized firm spends 2,600 man-hours each year complying with it, according to the World Bank, compared with 334 hours in Mexico.
In the meantime, the scandal is likely to make a burdensome system even more so. CARF’s councillors may be reluctant in future to side with businesses disputing their taxes lest they be accused of corruption—even if the complainants are in the right. Brazil needs honest tax collectors; it needs simpler and lower taxes, too.